Travel advice for Morocco
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Morocco didn’t really exist as a modern nation until the 20th century. It was only after the French and Spanish occupation around 1912, and independence in 1956, that the country began to take shape as a unified state. Before that, forget neat borders — think tribal patchwork.
Power was divided between two zones. The Bled el Makhzen (literally, “Lands of the Storehouse”) were the regions under sultan control: the cities and plains around Fez, Marrakesh, Rabat and Meknes. Everywhere else — the mountains, deserts, and interior — was Bled es Siba or “Lands of the Dissidents”, where local Berber tribes did their own thing and central authority barely existed.
This push-pull between tribal independence and state control is one of the defining themes in Moroccan history. The other is the rise and fall of dynasties. It looks chaotic at first — tribal revolts, power struggles, sultans with names that blur together — but it boils down to seven main ruling families.
The first was the Idrissids, who founded Fez in the 8th century and set the blueprint for future dynasties by uniting Arab and Berber forces under a single authority. The most recent are the Alaouites, who rose from the Tafilalt oasis in the 1600s. They’re still in power today — King Mohammed VI continues to rule under a constitutional monarchy.
Long before it became Morocco, this corner of North Africa was wild in every sense. The Maghreb — which also includes Algeria and Tunisia — is a fertile strip of land between the Mediterranean and the Sahara. But until around 3000 BC, the Sahara wasn’t even a desert. It was grassy savannah, home to elephants, zebras and other now-vanished wildlife.
The earliest humans showed up over a million years ago, likely hunter-gatherers moving across what was then a much greener landscape. By around 15,000 BC, Paleolithic communities were settling in. Early agriculture and herding kicked off before the land dried out.
Two distinct Stone Age cultures took root here:
They left their mark — literally — on the region’s caves and rock faces. You can still see their work in the High Atlas and pre-Saharan regions: primitive drawings of humans, animals and hunting scenes, some of the oldest archaeological evidence in Morocco.
Morocco’s recorded history kicks off around 1100 BC, when the Phoenicians arrived — a seafaring people from what’s now Lebanon. By the 7th century BC, they’d set up shop along the coast at places like:
These weren’t massive cities—more like small, fortified trading hubs. They were coastal and strategic, and there wasn’t much contact with the inland tribes the Greeks called Barbaroi — now better known as Berbers.
By the 5th century BC, Carthage — a former Phoenician colony in Tunisia — had become the big player. Under Carthaginian control, some Moroccan ports grew into proper cities, exporting grain and grapes and even minting their own coins.
When Rome crushed Carthage in 146 BC, Morocco’s colonies actually thrived for a while. Carthaginian refugees flooded in, and coastal towns became more cosmopolitan. Even after the Romans eventually pulled out, Phoenician lingered as a spoken language along the shore.
Before the Romans took full control, northern Morocco was part of the Berber Kingdom of Mauretania — not to be confused with modern-day Mauritania. Think loose confederation of tribes more than unified kingdom, centered on Volubilis (near Meknes) and Tangier, with occasional alliances with Numidia (in what’s now Algeria).
The standout rulers were:
In 40 AD, Rome had enough. Caligula ordered Ptolemy's assassination, and by 44 AD, Emperor Claudius imposed direct imperial rule. North Africa was split into two provinces:
Rome never fully tamed Morocco. The Rif and Atlas mountains stayed independent — setting a long-term pattern. But in the north, Rome made its mark:
Still, Rome faced constant resistance. The first uprising took three years and 20,000 troops to crush. Over time, as Berber rebellions picked up and the empire weakened, power shifted from Volubilis to Tangier.
Then came the collapse. In 429 AD, the Vandals — a Germanic tribe led by King Gaiseric — invaded Roman Mauretania. They ruled until 533 AD, when Byzantine general Belisarius took it back for Emperor Justinian. Technically Roman again, but it was a different kind of empire — and a fading one at that.
Islam reached Kairouan (Tunisia) within 30 years of its founding in 622 AD, but expanding west was tough. Berber tribes in Algeria — mostly pagan, with Jewish and Christian communities — resisted Arab rule.
In 680, Arab general Oqba Ibn Nafi took Ceuta, then reportedly marched to the Atlantic. But he left no garrisons and was killed on his return.
Real Islamic influence came in the early 700s. Moussa Ibn Noussar, Arab governor of the Maghreb, conquered the northern plains and pre-Sahara, converting many tribes. But his eyes were on Spain.
In 711, Muslim forces — mostly Berber converts — crossed from Tangier to Tarifa. Within a decade, they controlled most of Spain, halted only by Charles Martel at Poitiers in 732.
Back home, Arab taxes sparked Berber rebellions. Morocco became Muslim, but not Arab — fragmenting into small, independent states.
As the Muslim world split into Sunni and Shi’ite camps, Shi’ites fled persecution, some heading west. One, Moulay Idriss, arrived in Morocco in 787. A descendant of the Prophet and a natural leader, he was welcomed by the people of Volubilis and the Aouraba Berbers. Within two years, he was dead — likely poisoned on orders from Caliph Harun al-Rashid — but not before laying the foundations of Morocco’s first real state.
His son, Moulay Idriss II, born to a Berber mother, became ruler in 807 and presided over what’s seen as a golden age. He expanded authority across the north and deep into the Atlas.
His key legacy? Fez. Developed by his father, it became the new capital. Moulay Idriss II brought in Shi’ite refugees from Cordoba and Kairouan, transforming Fez into a major Arab center. It soon hosted the Kairaouine University, one of the leading Islamic institutions of its time, and became a key hub for trade between Spain, the Maghreb, and sub-Saharan Africa.
After his death, the kingdom fractured. Kharijites — a radical sect that rejected Arab dominance — gained Berber support, especially in Sijilmassa, a key caravan city. But in 909, the Shi’ite Fatimids sacked it, then pushed east to conquer Egypt.
Morocco was left to the Zirids, their Berber allies. When the Zirids later sided with the Sunni Abbasids, the Fatimids unleashed the Banu Hilal, an Arabian tribe, to raid and destabilize the Maghreb.
After the chaos left by the Banu Hilal, Morocco was wide open for a power grab. Two Berber dynasties filled the vacuum: first the Almoravids, then the Almohads. Both came from the south, driven by religious zeal and a desire to stamp out the Andalusian decadence creeping in from Muslim Spain.
The Almoravids started among the Sanhaja Berbers of Mauritania — a nomadic desert tribe, like today’s Touaregs. By the 11th century, Islamic practice had gone lax. A sheikh returning from Mecca, along with a fakir from the Souss, launched a reform movement, preaching against wine, music, and polygamy beyond four wives. It spread fast.
They built a ribat (a fortified religious outpost) and launched a jihad. By 1054, they had crushed the Ghana Empire, capturing Koumbi Saleh. Then they turned north, founded Marrakesh in 1062, and under Youssef Ben Tachfine pushed their control across Morocco and into Algiers.
In 1085, Youssef was invited into Spain by Muslim princes panicking after the fall of Toledo to the Christians. He crossed again in 1090, this time to take control. Before his death in 1107, he’d reclaimed Valencia and much of southern Spain.
But the price was high. Moroccan forces were stretched thin. Andalusian cities resented rule from Marrakesh. And back home, critics accused the Almoravids of losing their puritan edge.
Youssef’s son, Ali, wasn’t a warrior. He relied on Christian mercenaries to hold Spain. The dynasty crumbled in the 1140s, swept aside by a new wave of Berber reformers: the Almohads.
Like the Almoravids they replaced, the Almohads were Berber reformers with a puritan mission — this time from the High Atlas. Their founder, Ibn Toumert, slammed the Almoravids for everything from drinking wine and listening to music to letting women ride horses. He also accused them of denying God’s unity — tawhid, the core of Almohad belief, and the root of their name: the “unitarians.”
Expelled from Marrakesh, Toumert built a ribat at Tin Mal in 1124 and began a campaign of religious conquest. He declared himself the Mahdi, a divinely guided leader promised in the Quran.
His military brain, Abd el Moumen, took over after Toumert’s death. By 1145, he had taken Fez, and by 1147, Marrakesh — ending Almoravid rule.
Under the third sultan, Yacoub el Mansour, the Almohad empire hit its peak:
But the cracks soon showed. In 1212, El Mansour’s son, Mohammed en Nasr, lost badly at Las Navas de Tolosa. It was a turning point — the Christian Reconquista picked up speed, and by the mid-1200s, only Granada was left under Muslim control in Spain.
In Morocco, local tribes broke away. In 1248, the Merenids (or Beni Merin) seized Fez, then moved on Marrakesh. The Almohads were finished.
The last centuries of Berber rule in Morocco were marked by decline and division. After the fall of Granada in 1492, the Portuguese took ports along Morocco’s Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts. To the east, the Ottomans expanded, and European sea routes bypassed the trans-Saharan trade, cutting off a vital economic lifeline.
Power in Morocco shifted to a centralized system — the Makhzen — run by mercenary armies, not tribal alliances. This era cemented the divide between Bled el Makhzen (governed lands) and Bled es Siba (everything else).
Few of the 21 Merenid sultans stood out. Early on, they focused on Spain, supporting Granada. One notable ruler, Abou el Hassan, briefly captured Tunis but died before invading Andalusia. His son, Abou Inan, fell in power struggles.
Their real legacy was architecture and culture:
The Wattasids took over in 1465, though they’d long ruled as viziers. Their control was weak and shrinking.
The Portuguese held key coastal cities, while inland regions fell under marabout brotherhoods. The sultans relied on these religious leaders to maintain even basic authority.
The Saadians were Morocco’s first Arab dynasty since the Idrissids, rising in the early 1500s as Shereefs — descendants of the Prophet. They began in the Souss, founding a capital at Tagmadert (exact location unknown), then moved to Taroudant. With central rule weak, they took Marrakesh in 1524, while the Wattasids clung to Fez in the north.
The Saadians pushed out the Portuguese, taking Agadir in 1541, then Safi and Essaouira. When the Wattasids collapsed and invited Turkish help, the Saadians took over — but things got messy. Mohammed esh Sheikh, the first sultan to rule both north and south, was assassinated by Turkish troops in 1557, triggering years of factional chaos.
Order returned — by accident — after the Battle of the Three Kings in 1578. A Portuguese crusade, led by King Sebastião, backed a deposed Saadian prince against his uncle. All three kings died. Portugal was crushed, and a new Saadian ruler emerged: Ahmed El Mansour.
Ahmed’s reign (1578-1603) was Morocco’s golden age. Flush with Portuguese ransom money, he kept taxes low and order high. He courted the English and Dutch, supported Protestants against Spain, and invaded Mali, securing control of gold, salt, and slave routes. The wealth earned him the name El Dhahabi (“The Golden One”) and helped revive the title Shereefian Empire, used until 1956.
After Ahmed’s death in 1603, Morocco unravelled. His sons fought for power, and the country split:
The dynasty limped on — but unity was gone.
Like the Saadians, the Alaouites were Shereefs — descendants of the Prophet — who rose from Rissani in the Tafilalt. They took Taza, then Fez, and finally Marrakesh under Moulay Rachid in 1669. But Rachid was killed in a palace coup just three years later. Real control came with his brother: Moulay Ismail.
Ismail’s 55-year reign was Morocco’s last shot at empire. To some, he was a visionary ruler; to others, a tyrant. Either way, he ruled big.
His reign helped Morocco stay independent while the rest of North Africa fell to foreign control.
As usual, Ismail left behind too many sons and no clear heir. Power passed to Mohammed III, who brought brief stability:
After his death in 1790, civil war returned. Rival claimants battled from Fez and Marrakesh, until Moulay Slimane (r. 1792-1822) took charge.
But the damage was done:
Slimane, a devout conservative, focused on suppressing Sufi brotherhoods — a mistake. In 1818, tribes loyal to the Derkaoui order rebelled and briefly captured him.
Worse still, Slimane’s isolationist policies shut Morocco off from Europe. Trade was banned, consuls expelled, and key diplomatic opportunities lost — just as the colonial era was about to begin.
Europe’s grip on Morocco tightened throughout the 19th century. While Ceuta, Tangier, El Jadida, and Essaouira had long seen foreign occupation, real encroachment began when the French took Algiers in 1830. Sultan Abd Er Rahman tried to defend fellow Muslims but was defeated at Isly in 1843.
In 1859, Spain captured Tetouan, returning it only after Morocco paid a crushing indemnity — borrowed from Britain, which then took control of Morocco’s customs revenue. Spain also secured a foothold at Sidi Ifni.
Sultan Moulay Hassan tried to modernize:
But his reforms were blocked by foreign merchants and local elites, and he had to rely on old-school tax raids (harka) to fund the state. He built frontier kasbahs at Tiznit, Saïdia, and Selouane, but died in 1894 while returning from one such campaign.
His teenage son, Abd el Aziz (r. 1894-1907), ruled under the regency of Bou Ahmed — until Bou Ahmed died in 1900. Chaos followed:
Meanwhile, European powers divided North Africa behind closed doors:
In 1907, after violence in Casablanca, the French invaded. Abd el Aziz was deposed by his brother, Moulay Hafid, who tried to fight back — but first had to crush Bou Hamra’s rebellion. By then, Spain had sent 90,000 troops to Melilla, claiming to protect their mining interests. The colonial occupation had effectively begun.
Facing rebels at the gates of Fez, Moulay Hafid turned to the French for help — and paid the price. The resulting Treaty of Fez handed Morocco to European control:
Morocco was officially partitioned. Resistance would come — but for now, colonial rule had begun.
When France and Spain divided Morocco in 1912, they took very different approaches. France brought its full colonial machinery, promoting a "civilizing mission" — roads, railways, ports, settlers, and bureaucracy. Spain, by contrast, ran its zone like a military outpost, with little investment beyond Ceuta, Melilla, and Tetouan.
General Lyautey, France’s first Resident General, claimed he wouldn’t interfere with Moroccan traditions. In reality, his troops were busy “pacifying” mountain tribes, building a state with roads, railways, and cities like modern Casablanca. French settlers poured in. Control over the Bled es Siba was, for the first time, made permanent.
But the colonial dream had a dark side: the Protectorate agreement was largely ignored, and Moroccans were sidelined in the rapid economic transformation.
In the Spanish zone, control beyond the coastal cities barely existed until 1920. When Spain pushed into the Rif mountains, the fiercely independent Berber tribes united under Abd el Krim.
In 1921, he routed Spanish forces at Annoual, killing over 13,000 troops. Spain was humiliated. France panicked. Together, the two powers fielded 360,000 troops to crush the rebellion — Morocco’s last great tribal uprising. Afterward, the path to independence shifted from armed resistance to political pressure.
France tried to divide and rule, hoping to play Berbers against Arabs, even introducing a separate Berber legal system in 1930. But the backlash was massive. Instead of creating loyal allies, they stirred nationalist opposition — especially among the educated elite in Fez and Rabat, whom France had tried to groom.
Before World War II, nationalist activity was minimal. But by 1943, a new party emerged: Istiqlal, calling openly for independence. The movement grew fast — 10,000 members in 1947, over 100,000 by 1951. France responded with arrests and censorship, but the tide was turning.
Key to Morocco’s success was Sultan Mohammed V, who aligned himself with Istiqlal. He refused to sign laws, openly supported independence, and defied French pressure. In 1953, he was exiled; the French installed a puppet, Ben Arfa — a move that only boosted Mohammed’s popularity.
By 1955, facing resistance in Algeria, unrest at home, and declining control, France gave in. Mohammed V returned, and in 1956, Morocco won its independence. Soon after, the sultan became King Mohammed V.
When Mohammed V returned from exile in 1955, he didn’t just reclaim the throne — he inherited a unified, modernizing country. Thanks to decades of French rule, Morocco now had industry, irrigation, roads, and railways. But it lacked one key thing: trained Moroccan administrators.
As both king and religious leader, Mohammed had enormous influence. His first government, dominated by the Istiqlal Party, pushed ahead with reforms:
Still, the king kept Istiqlal at arm’s length. He preferred to build power through the army and police, helped by Crown Prince Hassan, whose time as army chief would shape his future reign.
In 1958-59, serious uprisings broke out in the Rif, followed by unrest in the Middle Atlas and the Sahara. The state held firm — thanks to Mohammed’s authority and the army’s loyalty.
Politically, the king backed the Mouvement Populaire (MP), a moderate Berber party, to undercut Istiqlal’s dominance. The move worked. In 1959, Istiqlal split. Its left wing, led by Mehdi Ben Barka, broke away to form the UNFP, aligned with trade unions and pushing for deeper reform.
From then on, party divisions — between moderates, radicals, and regional forces — would become a pattern in Moroccan politics, one that consistently strengthened the monarchy’s hold on power.
When Mohammed V died in 1961, his son Hassan II took the throne and ruled for nearly four decades — autocratically, with a thin democratic veneer.
A constitution was approved in 1962, but it was written to favor pro-palace parties. Opposition politics were fragile, often met with repression rather than dialogue. The most dramatic example was the Ben Barka affair: opposition leader Mehdi Ben Barka was abducted and murdered in Paris in 1965, likely with the involvement of Moroccan and French agents.
Hassan ruled under emergency powers, suspended parliament, and introduced a new constitution in 1970. But the real threats came from within his own regime.
Hassan found his cause in Western Sahara. When Spain withdrew in 1975, he staged the Green March, sending 350,000 unarmed Moroccans south to claim the territory. Spain backed down, but the Polisario Front, supported by Algeria, launched a guerrilla war.
By the 1980s, Western Sahara was draining the economy. Poverty hit 60%, youth unemployment soared, and shantytowns (bidonvilles) grew.
Despite the repression, opposition voices grew louder in the 1990s. Former prisoners, like Abraham Serfaty, were released. Survivors of the brutal Tazmamart prison became active in media, academia, and government.
When King Hassan II died in 1999, his son Mohammed VI quickly stepped out from his father’s shadow, promising a new, more inclusive era. He won widespread support with a softer tone and symbolic gestures: visiting the neglected north, releasing over 8,000 political prisoners, and sacking the feared interior minister Driss Basri. He welcomed exiled dissidents like Abraham Serfaty, and even freed Abdessalam Yassine, leader of the banned Islamist group Justice and Charity. Dissent was still managed carefully, but the general tone of the new reign was one of cautious openness.
In 2000, Mohammed announced a National Action Plan for women’s rights. The resulting family law reforms, passed in 2004, banned polygamy, strengthened women’s legal standing, and became a model across the Muslim world. The king also expanded Berber language rights — introducing it into schools and national media.
His reign has also been marked by symbolic reforms, such as mass prisoner releases tied to royal celebrations, and a push to portray Morocco as both modern and faithful to tradition.
The early 2000s brought setbacks. In 2003, a coordinated suicide bombing in Casablanca killed 33, followed by another attack in Marrakesh in 2011. In response, the government launched mass arrests and passed tougher anti-terror laws, tightening state control over Islamist groups.
Morocco also took a firm stand against international terrorism, condemning 9/11 and later distancing itself from Moroccan nationals linked to attacks in Madrid (2004) and other plots in Europe.
The 2002 elections saw the PJD (Justice and Development Party) enter parliament. By 2011, the Arab Spring protests forced the king to respond: he promised constitutional reform and delivered a new constitution approved by referendum.
The PJD won the 2011 and 2016 elections, leading coalition governments under Abdelilah Benkirane and Saadeddine Othmani. But in 2021, the party suffered a crushing defeat — losing 90% of its seats. The National Rally of Independents (RNI), led by billionaire Aziz Akhannouch, took power, shifting the tone back to technocratic, pro-business governance.
On September 8, 2023, a 6.8 magnitude earthquake struck southern Morocco, killing over 2,800 people and devastating villages in the High Atlas, as well as parts of Marrakesh. The disaster exposed weaknesses in rural infrastructure and emergency response. The king promised a $11.7 billion reconstruction plan, but delivery has been slow, and frustration is rising in remote areas.
Mohammed VI has largely succeeded in maintaining stability, but critics argue that real power still lies with the monarchy:
Still, the political system has become just open enough for most critics to work within it rather than against it. Protests are frequent, reforms are slow but ongoing, and the king remains a unifying figure in a deeply divided region.
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